What makes a good secretary of defense

Further, as important a message as the first woman SecDef would send, the first Black person in the role is arguably more overdue. Black men and women have been dying for their country since Crispus Attucks became the first casualty of the American Revolution. Having Johnson or Austin leading the Pentagon would be a pretty big deal, too.

A retired National Guard lieutenant colonel, she of course lost her legs when her helicopter was shot down over Iraq. She would command instant respect from the brass and the troops in a way few could. It may simply be that he has a rapport with Duckworth that he lacks with Flournoy. Again, I would be shocked if he got the nod. Not only is she superbly qualified but her ability to inspire such loyalty not only bodes well for the command climate of the Department but also to the character and talent of the team she would bring in with her.

But the incoming President has every right to pick his team. When you visit our website, we store cookies on your browser to collect information. The information collected might relate to you, your preferences or your device, and is mostly used to make the site work as you expect it to and to provide a more personalized web experience.

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The American public has long had low confidence in civilian government institutions particularly Congress compared to the military. This worries scholars because civilian control —or perhaps more accurately, democratic control—of the military is a cornerstone of American democracy.

Politicians are accountable to the public through elections, and they, in turn, are responsible for ensuring the responsiveness of the unelected parts of government, including the military.

Secretaries play an important role in maintaining this delicate balance. Privileging military experience over civilian political and policymaking experience in key government roles fundamentally undermines this principle, suggesting that perhaps elected officials should instead be held accountable by the military. This trust gap also creates a temptation for civilian politicians to use association with the military as a political shield or prop.

While these actions crossed new lines, they are part of a pre-existing trend. But even if this works in the short-run, it exacerbates the civil-military trust gap long term, reinforcing the idea that civilian politicians and policymakers are only to be trusted to the extent they have the support of those with military credentials.

It also reinforces a dangerous public perception that military experience is among the most important qualifications for making defense policy. After arguments in back-to-back administrations that Congress should make an exception to the law because a recently retired general is the best-qualified person to run the DOD given the pressing concerns facing the country, it is not hard to imagine that future potential nominees without military careers will face a tough road.

It would be a mistake to simply dismiss the legal prohibition on recently retired generals serving as secretary of defense as only one minor link in a strong chain of civil-military safeguards. As Nevitt points out, the institutional checks and balances that ensure civilian representatives maintain the final say on defense policy are not operating as intended.

If Congress has been reluctant to oversee the conduct of war, it seems unlikely that its members will pay close attention to the day-to-day operations of the Defense Department. While the secretary of defense may not be the final or most important bulwark of civilian control, its importance is amplified when other safeguards are eroding.

The provision is intended to cement the norm that the secretary of defense should be seen by all as a civilian first. It is no surprise that the language was originally introduced in with the consolidation of the Navy and War Departments, as the United States was facing for the first time the possibility of a large standing military for the foreseeable future.

During the debates over unifying the defense establishment, there were serious concerns about consolidating power in a professional military. The movement from 10 years to seven, as well as the two times Congress has made exceptions to the law for presidential nominees, demonstrate that there are powerful political incentives for both the president and members of Congress to prioritize short-term concerns over long-term effects on democratic norms.

This belief exacerbates the gap in trust between military and civilian officials, and it reinforces the idea that the military is better suited to interpret and enforce the rules. This ultimately undermines the norm that civilians should lead. It also unfairly places the burden for upholding civil-military norms squarely on the military, letting civilian policymakers off the hook.

A preference for working through and seeking advice from the uniformed side of the Pentagon could leave civilian advice, and even diplomatic advice from the State Department, sidelined.

By the end of this session of the Congress, Senator Duckworth, who has served on the Armed Services Committees in both chambers, will have served eight years in Congress, four years in the House and another four in the Senate.

In addition, she has served for five years in high level administrative positions in both the Illinois and Department of Veterans Affairs. Finally, she comes from a military family. Representative Gabbard, who is retiring after this session of Congress, would also bring a distinguished background to the Pentagon. She is currently a major in the Army National Guard, having served in the Guard since , and has spent 24 months on two combat tours to Iraq, one as an enlisted soldier and one as an officer.

Since she has been a member of Congress, where she has served on the Homeland Security, Armed Services, and Foreign Affairs committees. Before that, she served on both the city of Honolulu and state of Hawaii legislative bodies. In Congress, she sponsored and helped pass legislation to improve the military justice system and prevent child abuse and neglect on military bases.

Joni Ernst would also bring a prominent military and political background to the position. Like her two democratic colleagues, she served in the National Guard for 23 years, retiring in with the rank of lieutenant colonel, including a one-year deployment to Iraq as a company commander. In , after a decade serving in state and local government, she became the first female combat veteran and first women elected to the U. Senate from Iowa, and in was reelected. James Mattis, to be secretary of defense on whether he would pledge to prioritize cutting wasteful spending, stopping sexual assault and retaliation in the military, and enhancing national security missions by leveraging the different abilities of our Guard and Reserve forces.

Martha McSally would also bring a very distinguished military and political background to the Pentagon. A graduate of the Air Force Academy, she served 22 years in the Air Force, retiring with the rank of colonel. She was the first female fighter pilot to fly in combat and to command a fighter squadron. Before being appointed to the Senate in to replace Sen.